By Aleksandar Pavkovic with Peter Radan
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Desk of ContentsPrefaceChapter 1 IntroductionChapter 2 a few ny PhilosophersChapter three Nelson Goodman at PennChapter four Francis Keppel and the Harvard university of EducationChapter five a few schooling ColleaguesChapter 6 a few London PhilosophersChapter 7 a few Harvard PhilosophersChapter eight Turbulence within the 60’sChapter nine Chicago and Jerusalem ColleaguesChapter 10 the coed and the AnalystChapter eleven heart for complicated StudyChapter 12 a few Invited LecturesChapter thirteen schooling ProjectsChapter 14 Philosophy of schooling study CenterPhotograph GalleryReferencesIndex
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Extra resources for Creating New States
During World War I, outside the socialist circle, the principal champion of the right of peoples to self-determination was the US President Woodrow Wilson. He 20 Creating New States believed that this right originated in a general democratic principle that required that the governed consent to be governed or ruled by their government. In his view, shaped by American constitutional theory, this consent is secured through free elections or plebiscites. As he believed that the right of self-determination would also provide a basis for peace after World War I, in January 1918 he proposed a peace settlement – the famous Fourteen Points – which, while not mentioning this right, speciﬁcally mentioned the ‘opportunity of autonomous development’ of ‘nations’ or ‘peoples’ who were under the rule of Austria-Hungary and the Ottoman Empire and the formation of an independent Polish state (Heater 1994, 41).
Although not all public manifestation of secessionist intent have resulted in violence, most attempts in the twentieth century to publicly promote secession and to organize a political movement in support of secession resulted in an outbreak of violence of some form. In Part I we shall approach the problem of violence in secession processes in two complementary ways. First, in Chapter 2, we shall examine the context in which secessionist movements arise and how they gather support amongst the members of the national (or interest) groups which they target.
But other parties and social movements, which have no secessionist or autonomist goals, also engage in contention or conﬂict with the government or ruling political parties. In this aspect secessionist political activity is not much different from non-secessionist political activity. How does then secessionist political activity differ from other political activity? First, non-secessionist and non-autonomist parties and movements aim at changes in the policies and social/political structures within the host state while secessionists want only to escape from it.
Creating New States by Aleksandar Pavkovic with Peter Radan